Icomos u BiH

SPOMEN BAŠTINI



18 april/travanj 2014 – Međunarodni dan spomenika i cjelina


Kulturno-povijesne strukture, građevine, cjeline i ansambli dio su povijesti i memorije brojnih naraštaja. Njihove vrijednosti odražavaju, ne samo povijest društava i naroda, već i razvoj znanosti, umjetnost i općeg napretka.

Materijalnu baštinu – spomenike i spomeničke cjeline – karakteriziraju različiti oblici, mjesta, krajolici; duhovna baština odražava se u čovjekovom iskustvu – ona doprinosi očuvanju autentičnih vrijednosti, sjećanja, prenošenju običaja, predanja.

ICOMOS (Međunarodni savjet za spomenike i cjeline) je predložio da tema obilježavanja Međunarodnog dana spomenika i cjelina u 2014. godini, bude SPOMEN BAŠTINI (The HERITAGE COMMEMORATION) – ovom širokom temom moguće je obnoviti sjećanje na događaje, ličnosti, ideje i sl.

Odabir teme dijelom je poteknut obilježavanjem 100. obljetnice početka I svjetskog rata (1914–1918) – velikom tragedijom Moderne ere – te je usmjeren više na žrtve i stradanja velikog broja ljudi i imovine, a ne na sam događaj i historijske ličnosti.

SPOMEN BAŠTINI /The HERITAGE COMMEMORATION pruža velike mogućnosti odgovora na temu kojim će NK ICOMOS u BiH obilježiti 18. april/travanj – Međunarodni dan spomenika i cjelina. Kao odgovor na ovu temu mogući prigodni motivi su: uklesani natpisi, mauzoleji izuzetne arhitekture, djela monumentalne skulpture, groblja ili memorijalni vrtovi, ruševine komemoriativne vrijednosti, javni trgovi čiji toponimi komemoriraju povijesne događaje i pojedince, i sl.

ICOMOS je pozvao sve Nacionalne komitete i njihove partnere da odaberu temu i način prenosa sjećanja drugima. To je ujedno i prigoda promišljanja o izazovima pamćenja i složenosti njenog očuvanja u našem suvremenom svijetu.

Nacionalni komitet ICOMOS u Bosni i Hercegovini ove godine 18. april/travanj – Međunarodni dan spomenika i cjelina – posvećuje prvoj knjizi na narodnom jeziku i pismu (zapadnoj ćirilici popularno nazvanoj bosančici) “Nauk Krstjanski” i “Sto čudesa”, autora fra Matije Divkovića, tiskanoj u Veneciji 1611.

Vjekoslava Sanković Simčić


Dan spomenika 2012



MATIJA DIVKOVIĆ U GUTENBERGOVOJ GALAKSIJI

english version



U povodu 400. obljetnice prve tiskane knjige iz Bosne i Hercegovine na narodnom jeziku i njezina ponovnog objavljivanja

Marko Karamatić


Četiristota obljetnica prve tiskane knjige na narodnom jeziku jednoga autora rodom iz Bosne i Hercegovine zacijelo je događaj od ne male važnosti za bosanskohercegovačku kulturnu povijest. Fra Matija Divković je 1611. objavljivanjem na bosančici Nauka krstjanskog i Sto čudesa (dva djela u jednoj knjizi) otvorio epohu tiskane knjige u Bosni i Hercegovini, stoljeće i pol nakon izuma tiskarskog stroja. Ta činjenica ukazuje da je Divković uvidio izuzetno značenje knjige za franjevce i katolike Bosne Srebrene pod osmanskom vlašću. Knjiga je ponovno, u povodu četiri stoljeća od njezine pojave, objavljena i to u dva sveska: u pretisku (fototip) i u transkripciji na latinicu s dvjema uvodnim studijama u izdanju Kulturno-povijesnog instituta Bosne Srebrene, Sarajevo 2013. Izdanje su priredile i transkribirale Darija Gabrić-Bagarić, Marijana Horvat, Dolores Grmača i Maja Banožić.

OTKRIĆE TISKA I NJEGOVA VAŽNOST

Od epohalnog otkrića tiska, s pomičnim lijevanim slovima, Johanna Gutenberga (o. 1397–1468) u Mainzu, u Njemačkoj, sredinom XV. stoljeća – po nekima najvažnijeg događaja drugog tisućljeća – i tiskanja prve Biblije u 42 retka (1455), estetski najblistavijeg izdanja ranog tiskarstva, prošlo je više od pet i pol stoljeća. Taj je događaj temeljito promijenio svijet. Samo pedeset godina nakon otkrića tiskarskog stroja, u Europi je već bilo otisnuto osam milijuna primjeraka knjiga. Sve te knjige – tiskane do 1500. god. – nose naziv inkunabule ili prvotisci. Računa se da ih je sačuvano oko 450.000 primjeraka (35.000 izdanja) tiskanih u više od 1.100 tiskara. Inkunabule su danas najdragocjenije i najbolje čuvano blago svjetskih biblioteka. U godini smrti Johanna Gutenberga (1468) zacrtan je cilj da se sve znanje antike pohrani u tiskanoj formi. To je i ostvareno do 1530. godine. Veliki umovi toga vremena duboko su osjetili značenje tiska za cijelo čovječanstvo. Pokretač protestantske reformacije Martin Luther (1483-1546) u njemu je vidio providonosno otkriće i gledao ga je kao „zadnji i najveći dar Božji“. Njegov prijevod Biblije na njemački jezik još je za njegova života prodan u milijun primjeraka. Engleski državnik i filozof Francis Bacon je 1620. pisao „da je tisak stvarima svuda u svijetu dao novo lice“.

Uistinu, jedva se može do kraja dokučiti kakav je obrat izvršilo otkriće tiskarskog stroja, otvorivši pristup knjizi i znanju širokim slojevima ljudi, te koliki je utjecaj tisak izvršio na daljnji razvitak Europe i cijeloga svijeta. Njime je, naime, započela civilizacija knjige, odnosno Gutenbergova galaksija, kako ju je 1962. god. nazvao Marshall McLuhan (1911-1980), kanadski znanstvenik, filozof i teoretičar komunikacija. On je pod tim pojmom razumijevao svijet bitno obilježen knjigom kao osnovnim medijem: „Tisak je težio da pretvori jezik iz sredstva percepcije u prenosivu poruku. On nije samo tehnologija već je, sam po sebi, prirodno blago ili sirovina, poput pamuka, drveta ili radija: i kao svaka sirovina, on ne uobličava samo osjetilne razmjere pojedinca nego i oblike zajedničke međuzavisnosti“. Tako je započela civilizacija tiskane knjige na europskom Zapadu.

Dan spomenika 2012


ODJEK TISKARSKOG IZUMA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Bosna i Hum (Hercegovina) u drugoj polovici XV. stoljeća dospjeli su pod sustav osmanske vlasti. Između kršćanskog Zapada i Osmanskoga Carstva etabliralo se stanje trajnog neprijateljstva uzrokovano osvajačkim težnjama Osmanlija. Tehnička i druga otkrića sa Zapada, poput tiskarstva, nisu mogla probiti barijere u islamskom svijetu. Već od XV. stoljeća islamski se pravnici bore protiv uvođenja tiskarskoga stroja, jer da osim Kur'ana ne treba drugih knjiga. U uporabu stroj ulazi nakon više od tri stoljeća zakašnjenja. Tako imamo paradoks da je Kur'an prvi put tiskan na kršćanskom Zapadu, u Veneciji 1537. god., a u islamskom svijetu tek 1828. u Teheranu i to ne pokretnim slovima, nego tehnikom litografije. Više od trista godina je trebalo proći da se tisak usvoji kao civilizacijska stečevina. Istina, jedan Madžar, osmanski zarobljenik, uz dopuštenje sultana Ahmeda III. osnovao je 1727. god. u Carigradu tiskaru za muslimane. Ali kako se u njoj ništa vjerskoga nije smjelo tiskati, ona je bila ograničena na gramatike i tehničke udžbenike. Nije čudno da je 20 godina kasnije, 1747. god., nakon otisnutih 17 naslova, tiskara zatvorena. Takvo razumijevanje novovjekih povijesnih tokova s brojnim otkrićima od civilizacijske važnosti vladalo je također i u osmanskim rubnim pokrajinama – u današnjoj Bosni i Hercegovini, gdje je tek 1866. godine osnovana prva tiskara, i to u Sarajevu. Idejom o osnutku tiskare u BiH prvi se, dva desetljeća ranije, zanosio fra Ivan Frano Jukić, ali u tome nije uspio!

Bosna i Hercegovina usprkos svemu tome ni u ranom razdoblju osmanske vlasti nije sasvim ostala izvan dometa Gutenbergove galaksije. Zahvaljujući ponajprije franjevcima. Prvi uvoznici i korisnici tiskanih knjiga u BiH, sudeći po sačuvanim najstarijim knjigama – inkunabulama, bili su upravo franjevci Bosne Srebrene. U BiH se nalazi sačuvano 55 izdanja inkunabula (59 primjeraka), od toga ih je 46 u franjevačkim samostanima: u Kraljevoj Sutjesci 31, u Fojnici 13, te po jedna u Kreševu i Visokom, dok Narodna i univerzitetska biblioteka u Sarajevu čuva 4, a Zemaljski muzej BiH 2 inkunabule. Najstarija je u Kraljevoj Sutjesci iz 1474. god. Možemo sa sigurnošću pretpostaviti da ih je u posjedu franjevaca bilo mnogo više, ali su iščezle kako u vrijeme progona i rušenja samostana u Srebrenici, Olovu, Gradovrhu, Tuzli, Visokom, Rami… tako i prilikom požarā starih samostana u Sutjesci (1658), Fojnici (1664) i Kreševu (1765) kada je izgorjelo ukupno blago zajedno s vrijednim knjižnim fondom. Uzmemo li u obzir činjenicu da danas tri stara bosanska franjevačka samostana, uz inkunabule, čuvaju respektabilan broj knjiga iz XVI. i XVII. st., onda s pravom smijemo zaključiti da su franjevci prvi u BiH ušli u sferu Gutenbergove galaksije kao korisnici tiskanih knjiga.

Kako u Bosni nije bilo tiskare, putovi su vodili preko mora u Italiju. Njih su trasirali franjevci Bosne Srebrene, a prvi je bio fra Matija Divković. Njega je uskoro slijedio niz drugih franjevačkih pisaca s prostora pod osmanskom vlašću. Franjevci se, naime, nakon osmanskog osvajanja Bosne (1463), prilagođavaju novim uvjetima pod vlašću moćnog osvajača, koji je kršćane iz pragmatičnih razloga tolerirao, ali ih je držao u položaju drugorazrednih građana. Širenjem Osmanskoga Carstva prema sjeveru i zapadu širila se i franjevačka provincija Bosna Srebrena. Tijekom XVI. i XVII. stoljeća, dakle u doba fra Matije Divkovića, franjevci pastoralno djeluju na širokom prostoru pod osmanskom vlašću, gdje su, uz Bosnu i Hercegovinu, uključene također i Dalmacija, Lika, Slavonija, Ugarska do Budima, a na istoku Transilvanija i Bugarska. Franjevci se tada školuju na Zapadu gdje se susreću s novim idejama, nabavljaju knjige, umjetničke slike, kipove, liturgijske predmete i donose ih u bosanske samostane i time omogućuju stanovit protok zapadne kulture. O tome danas svjedoče knjižnice i riznice triju starih samostana u Fojnici, Kraljevoj Sutjesci i Kreševu.

Dan spomenika 2012




ŽIVOT I DJELO MATIJE DIVKOVIĆA

Prva knjiga tiskana na narodnom jeziku iz BiH vezana je, dakle, uz „bogoljubnog bogoslovca“ fra Matiju Divkovića. On je rodonačelnik književne riječi na bosanskohercegovačkom prostoru, „utemeljitelj kako bosanske franjevačke, tako i, moderno rečeno, cjelokupne književnosti Bosne i Hercegovine“ (Midhat Begić), pisac koji je dao „prvine bosanske književnosti“ (Krešimir Georgijević). Istina, jedan drugi franjevac, po rođenju Bosanac iz Srebrenice, fra Juraj Dragišić (oko 1445-1520), ugledni humanist, filozof i teolog, pobjegavši pred Turcima živio je i djelovao uglavnom u Italiji, objavio je znatno ranije nekoliko djela ali na latinskom jeziku. O životu fra Matije Divkovića gotovo i nema podataka. O njemu je, nakon što ga je kratko kao pisca spomenuo fra Filip Lastrić (1700-1783) u svom djelu Epitome vetustatum Bosnensis provinciae (1776), prvi opširnije pisao fra Ivan Frano Jukić u prvom svesku Bosanskoga prijatelja (1850), u kojem je, uz nekoliko biografskih podataka, predstavio i njegova djela. Paradoksalno je da su Divkovićeva djela doživjela veliku popularnost, a o njegovu životu jedva da ima ikakvih vijesti. Tek na osnovi kratkih zabilješki u njegovim knjigama, gdje daje poneku informaciju o samome sebi, moguće je u najkraćim potezima skicirati njegov životni put. Rodio se u Jelaškama, između Vareša i Olova, 1563. godine, a preminuo je u samostanu u Olovu 21. kolovoza 1631, kako stoji u sutješkom nekrologiju. Do godine rođenja došlo se izračunom na osnovi njegova zapisa na početnoj stranici njegove knjige Sto čudesa, gdje kaže da je iz Jelašaka i „budući od četrdeset i šest godišta“ započe pisati „na iljadu i šesat i deveto godište“ – što će reći da je 1609. imao 46 godina. Osnovnu izobrazbu Divković je vjerojatno stekao u samostanu u Olovu, a studij filozofije i teologije završio u Italiji. Zbog njegovih djela objavljenih početkom XVII. stoljeća uglavnom smo ga navikli tretirati kao franjevca toga stoljeća. Ali ne treba zanemariti činjenicu da je Divković gotovo četiri desetljeća živio u XVI. stoljeću, da se kroz to vrijeme obrazovao i, u stvari, kao pisac formirao, premda o tom periodu njegova života nema nikakvih podataka.

Poznato je da je kao kapelan službovao u Sarajevu i da je tamo 1609. dovršio svoje djelo Nauk krstjanski za narod slovinski (tzv. veliki Nauk), 308 listova opsega. To razaznajemo iz njegove zabilješke u knjizi: „Izpisa budući kapelanom u Sarajevu na iljadu i šesat i deveto godište po porođenju Isukrstovu“. Potom je započeo i s pisanjem Sto čudesa aliti zlamenja blažene i slavne Bogorodice divice Marije, i oba je djela, zajedno uvezana, tiskao u Veneciji 1611. godine. Nauk ima 324 lista, a Sto čudesa 71 list. Sudeći po posvetama ispisanim na naslovnicama knjiga, u tiskarskim troškovima su ga, po svoj prilici, potpomogli ugledni sarajevski građani kojima je posvetio svoje knjige. Tako je veliki Nauk posvetio „plemenitomu i visokomu g/ospodi/nu, g/ospodi/nu Antunu Grgureviću, Bošnjaninu iz Sarajeva, i Pavi sinu njegovu“, a Sto čudesa „…g/ospodi/nu Ivanu Nikole Matiaševića, Bošnjaninu iz Sarajeva…“.

U Kreševu je 1612. godine započeo pisati svoje propovjedničko djelo Razlike besjede Divkovića svrhu evanđelja nedjeljinijeh priko svega godišta (skraćeno: Besjede), a završio ga je u Olovu 1614. Godine 1616. tiskao je Nauk krstjanski s mnoziemi stvari duhovnijemi i vele bogoljubnijemi (tzv. mali Nauk, nazvan zbog manjeg formata iako je opsežniji od velikog Nauka) kao i svoje djelo Besjede. Oba njegova djela, i veliki i mali Nauk, po svome sadržaju su katehetska, zamišljena kao poučno štivo koje bi koristilo i dušobrižnicima i puku. U velikom Nauku (1611) Divković opširno razmatra najprije što „ima čovjek činiti da se može zvati pravi krstjanin imenom i djelom“ i kako „imamo nasliedovati Isukrsta“, a potom o molitvama (Očenaš, Vjerovanje, Zdravomarija), sakramentima, Božjim i crkvenim zapovijedima… U podnaslovu djela on ističe da se u Nauku nalaze „mnoge stvari lijepe i korisne svakom krstjaninu koji hoće poznati pravu vjeru i zakon Isukrstov“.

Mali Nauk, osim što ima sve značajke katekizma, donosi i tekstove koji izlaze iz okvira tipično katekizamskog sadržaja. U njemu je, naime, i zbirka različitih književnih tekstova, kao na primjer: Verši Abramovi, Plač blažene divice Marije, Verši prilike Isukrstove, Prigovaranje meju križem i Gospom divicom Marijom, pjesme, brojne molitve, litanije… Stoga s pravom to Divkovićevo djelo možemo označiti kao „enciklopediju duhovnog štiva u prozi i stihu“ (A. S. Kovačić, 1991). O njegovoj širokoj popularnosti svjedoči velik broj izdanja kroz više od 120 godina – najmanje 25 od prvog pa do zadnjeg poznatog izdanja iz 1738. godine. Pojedini su dijelovi i izdvojeno tiskani: Život svete Katarine (1709), Plač blažene divice Marije (1786), ali i neki drugi.

Kako za veliki tako i za mali Nauk krstjanski, koje „iz diačkog [latinskog] jezika ispisa, privede i složi u jezik slovinski“, Divković je prevodio, prerađivao ili kompilirao različite katekizme, prije svega katekizme španjolskog isusovca Jacoba Ledesme (1516-1575) Dottrina cristiana breve per insegnare in pochi giorni (1571) i talijanskog isusovca Roberta Bellarmina (1542-1621) Dichiarazione più copiosa della dottrina cristiana (1598). Za veliki Nauk nisu razjašnjeni svi izvori, Divković ih u stvari uopće ne spominje. Vjerojatno je koristio više katekizama, među kojima je, sudeći po rasporedu teksta u drugom dijelu, i Ledesmov katekizam. Za mali Nauk Divković izrijekom navodi izvore na početnoj stranici knjige, kad kaže da ga „od Ledezmova i Belarminova Nauka u jedno stisnu i složi“. Moguće je da je Divković za svoj mali Nauk koristio hrvatski prijevod Ledesmina katekizma, koji je tiskan kao latinično anonimno izdanje u Veneciji 1578. godine.

Izuzevši Verše svete Katarine svi drugi umetnuti literarni tekstovi preuzeti su iz hrvatske književne baštine iz Dalmacije i Dubrovnika. Njih je Divković redigirao i ponešto u leksici i stihu mijenjao, imajući u vidu svoje čitatelje. Verši Abramovi su proizašli iz preradbe drame Posvetilište Abramovo dubrovačkog pisca Mavra Vetranovića (1482-1576), koje je Divković preradio i prilagodio svojoj pučkoj pastvi. On je svojim djelom, kao i kasniji franjevački pisci, prenosio dubrovačko književno nasljeđe i jezični izraz na široki prostor Bosne Srebrene od jadranske obale do rijeke Drave. Time je dao početni impuls standardizaciji franjevačke književnosti, oko čega su se, kasnije, franjevački pisci uvelike trudili.

Sto čudesa Divković je u cijelosti preuzeo iz knjige Sermones discipuli de tempore et de sanctis cum Promptuario exemplorum et de miraculis B. M. Virginis (1584) od njemačkog dominikanca Johannesa Herolta (+1468), kojeg poznajemo prije svega kao homiletičkog pisca. Tiskani primjerci Heroltova djela nalazili su se u dalmatinskim samostanima, što ukazuje da su ih franjevački propovjednici koristili na izvornom latinskom jeziku. Skraćeno je nazivano Discipulus (Divković veli: Dišipuo). Heroltovo djelo je bilo izvor hrvatskim glagoljskim Disipulima iz XVI. stoljeća, tako da je teško razlučiti kada je Divković izravno koristio Herolta, a kada je pripovijesti o Marijinim čudesima preuzimao iz hrvatske glagoljske književnosti.

Četvrto Divkovićevo djelo Besjede po svome je sadržaju homiletičko, namijenjeno nedjeljnim propovjednicima i njihovim slušateljima. U njemu je ukupno 66 propovijedi. Započeo ga je pisati u Kreševu 1612, dovršio u Olovu 1614, a tiskao u Veneciji 1616. godine. Ono je najopsežnije autorovo djelo i uglavnom je nastalo na temelju djela spomenutog J. Herolta, Sermones discipuli de tempore et de sanctis, zatim francuskog dominikanca Pepina, Sermones dominicales totius anni, te još nekih autora (Busti, Ferreri, Heisterbach). Divković je i ovdje pri pisanju koristio također glagoljsku i dubrovačku nabožnu književnost. Dok je u Sto čudesa sadržano vrlo mnogo jednostavnih pripovijesti i primjera, u Besjedama ih je manje s obzirom na homiletsku specifičnost tog spisateljskog žanra. Autor u Besjedama tumači ulomak nedjeljnog evanđelja započinjući kratkim citatom iz pročitanog ulomka, a potom navodi misli crkvenih otaca i naučitelja, te teoloških i filozofskih pisaca. Time je slušatelje stavljao pred zahtjevniji zadatak, pogotovu imamo li u vidu da su mu propovijedi bile i opsežne. Slušanje i razumijevanje su olakšavali primjeri (prilike) u propovijedima, ali takve su propovijedi bile nešto rjeđe.

Divkovića se u literaturi često stavljalo u kontekst protureformacije i katoličke obnove pa ga se označavalo i kao protureformacijskog pisca. Činjenica je da Lutherova reformacija (prva polovica XVI. stoljeća) i uopće protestantizam nisu imali odjeka na prostoru Bosne Srebrene te stoga Divković nije imao razloga da u svojim djelima na bilo koji način ugradi takve nakane, budući da su njegovi ciljevi bili sasvim drukčiji: pouka katoličkoga puka i pripomoć franjevcima u njihovu pastoralnom radu. Opći crkveni koncil održan u Tridentu, danas Trento u Italiji, (1545-1563), kao odgovor Katoličke crkve na protestantsku reformaciju, završio je u godini Divkovićeva rođenja 1563. On, dakle, jest živio i djelovao u postreformacijskom i posttridentinskom razdoblju Katoličke crkve, koje se u historiografiji naziva vremenom protureformacije i katoličke obnove, a to napose vrijedi za XVII. stoljeće. Međutim, Divković je u svemu tome zapravo samo vremenski prisutan. Teme koje on obrađuje po svome su duhu i sadržaju dobrim dijelom srednjovjekovne, kakvi su, uostalom, i njegovi izvori, ali s jednim naglašenim ciljem da katolicima objasni i približi kršćanski nauk po kojem bi trebali živjeti u svojoj svakodnevici. Sve je bilo podređeno tome.

PISMO I JEZIK

Svoja djela Divković je objavio na bosančici ili bosanici (zapadnoj ćirilici). Zbog toga je, nakon što je završio rukopis za veliki Nauk i Sto čudesa, osobno otišao u Veneciju kako bi nadzirao izlijevanje bosaničnih slova u tiskari i uopće kontrolirao poslove oko tiskanja. To je bilo od nemale važnosti, jer, kako Divković svjedoči, tiskari nisu poznavali niti jedne riječi njegova jezika. Teško su se snalazili kod izlijevanja slova jer ih nisu mogli lako razlikovati. Bio je to težak zadatak kako za venecijanskoga tiskara Petra Bertana tako i za autora Divkovića. Sam Divković u posveti velikog Nauka piše, budući da nije bilo bosaničnih slova, „ja mojiemi rukami učinih svekoliko iznova i iz temelja svakolika slova“. Iako se bosančica vremenom samostalno razvijala, ipak je u tome Divković odigrao ključnu ulogu: pokazao se kao „samostalan i originalan reformator zapadne ćirilice“ (Dalibor Brozović, 1982). On je svojim grafijskim postupcima ne samo anticipirao „kasnija rješenja nego je i poslije pozitivno djelovao na hrvatsku latinicu, samo u obratnom smjeru: neutraliziranje madžarskih i talijanskih uzora u relativno integriranoj hrvatskoj latinici izvan kajkavskog područja izvršeno je zapravo u franjevačkoj pismenoj praksi i izdanjima“ (Isti). Po tome je on preteča kasnijih jezičnih reformatora XIX. stoljeća. Za bosančicu ili zapadnu ćirilicu odlučio se jer je ona imala već dugu tradiciju u Bosni. Njome su se služili franjevci u samostanima, bila je poznata u običnom puku, njome su komunicirali trgovci, obrtnici i dr. Kako je bosančica bila dijelom raširena ne samo na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine nego i u dalmatinskom priobalju i Dubrovniku, Divkovićeva odluka za to pismo je razumljiva jer se za knjigu pisanu tim pismom otvarao veći čitateljski prostor u širim slojevima puku što je bila njegova prvotna nakana. Niz franjevačkih pisaca koji su uslijedili nakon Divkovića, tijekom XVII. stoljeća, također je pisao bosančicom (Papić, Posilović, Margitić).

Divkovićev jezik je u osnovi štokavska ijekavština kojom su se služili žitelji srednje Bosne, na prostoru Olova, Sutjeske i Kreševa, uz primjese ikavice, ali ga je nadogradio i jezičnim izrazom do kojeg je došao čitajući dubrovačku i hrvatsku srednjovjekovnu glagoljsku književnost. Nazivao ga je naški, bosanski, slovinski, ime koje su koristili i ostali franjevački pisci, uz još i druge nazive: slavobosanski, ilirski / ilirički, hrvatski, dumanski. Divkovićev je „književni jezik čisti narodni govor“ u koji on „integrira književno-jezične tradicije slavonske, dalmatinske i dubrovačke“ (Ivan Lovrenović, 1982). Za odjek dubrovačke književnosti u Divkovićevu djelu, kako u sadržajnom tako i u jezičnom smislu, stanovitu je ulogu po svoj prilici imala i kolonija dubrovačkih trgovaca nastanjenih u Sarajevu u Latinskoj / Franačkoj mahali (Latinluku), na području od današnje Latinske ćuprije do Ćumurije na desnoj strani Miljacke, gdje je i Divković neko vrijeme boravio kao kapelan i s njima kontaktirao. Da je postojala zapažena relacija Divkovića, kao i drugih bosanskih franjevaca, s dubrovačkom književnošću, svjedoče, uz ostalo, i knjige dubrovačkih pisaca u samostanskim knjižnicama.

Činjenica da je Divkovićevo vrijeme Bosna Srebrena pokrivala širok prostor, uključivši Dalmaciju, Liku i Slavoniju, Divkovićevo djelo uvelike je utjecalo, uz onaj primarni cilj – vjerski odgoj katoličkoga puka – također i na oblikovanje hrvatskog jezičnog standarda, jer se čitalo na cijelom tom prostoru. Najprije je svojim jezikom utjecao na franjevačke pisce te su tako zajednički utirali put standardizaciji jezika na štokavskoj osnovi, ali i na pisce izvan Bosne i Hercegovine, te su se tako „odlike jednoga književnoga jezika nastalog na bosanskom tlu prenijele na široko hrvatsko područje i izravno utjecale na procese formiranja književnoga jezika na štokavskoj osnovici“ (Darija Gabrić-Bagarić, 2000). Upravo zbog svoje široke popularnosti starija franjevačka književnost je, po sudu povjesničara književnosti i jezika, odigrala „presudnu ulogu u oblikovanju općenitoga hrvatskog književnog izraza“ (Rafo Bogišić, 1994), odnosno bila izuzetno „važna za povijest hrvatskog jezika“ (Ivo Pranjković, 2000). K tome, franjevci Bosne Srebrene su, opredijelivši se za latinicu, „odredili ne samo izbor hrvatskog književnog standarda nego i njegovu pismenu normu“ (Ivo Banac, 1991). Iako franjevačka književnost nije bila urbana poput dubrovačke niti njezine visoke estetske razine, ona je ostvarila izuzetno snažan utjecaj, kako duhovni tako i kulturno-jezični, i u tome je njezino veliko značenje.

RECEPCIJA DIVKOVIĆ

Divkovićev je mali Nauk kao lektira bez sumnje zaživio u širokim slojevima naroda. O tome govore i njegova brojna izdanja. Takvu čitateljsku popularnost, uostalom, slikovito potvrđuje i jedna zanimljiva zgoda koju je zabilježio talijanski znanstvenik i putopisac Alberto Fortis (1741-1803) u svojoj knjizi Viaggio in Dalmazia iz 1774 (hrvatski prijevod: Put po Dalmaciji, Zagreb 1984). On je putovao po dalmatinskim krajevima, susretao se s tamošnjim žiteljima i s njima razgovarao o svemu što se tiče njihova načina življenja. Iz tih je razgovora zabilježio mnoge pojedinosti. Fortis, naime, opisuje stanovnike dalmatinskog zaleđa, koje naziva Morlacima, a za koje kaže da su „bistra uma i nekog prirodno poduzetna duha“, da čudesno uspijevaju kao trgovci, a „lako nauče čitati i pisati i računati“. U tom kontekstu on navodi i jednu zgodu u kojoj se spominje fra Matija Divković: „Priča se da su se u početku ovoga stoljeća morlački pastiri mnogo bavili čitanjem debele knjige o kršćanskom, moralnom i povijesnom nauku što ju je složio neki o. Divković, a više je puta tiskana u Mlecima njihovom ćirilicom bosančicom koja se djelomično razlikuje od ruskog pisma. Događalo se često da bi župnik, pobožniji nego učeniji, propovijedajući s oltara, nagrdio neku zgodu ili u njoj izmijenio sadržaj; u takvim slučajevima iz slušateljstva se dizao glas nekoga od nazočnih da rekne: Nije tako.“ Nakon brojnih izdanja u XVII. i XVIII. stoljeću, uslijedio je zastoj više od dva stoljeća prije nego su se Divkovićevi tekstovi iznova počeli objavljivati. Tako su njegovi izabrani tekstovi našli svoje mjesto u ediciji Pet stoljeća hrvatske književnosti (1972) zatim u bosanskohercegovačkim književnim hrestomatijama (1974), u izborima franjevačke književnosti (1982, 1994), te u najnovijoj ediciji Hrvatska književnost u BiH u 100 knjiga (2005), a objavljen je i jedan širi izbor Divkovićevih tekstova (2000). U ovaj niz ide i fototipsko izdanje Nauka krstjanskoga tiskanog u povodu drugog pohoda pape Ivana Pavla II. Bosni i Hercegovini (2003).

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Iz svega rečenog je razvidno da je Divković odigrao ne malu vjersku i prosvjetno-kulturnu ulogu u povijesti bosanskohercegovačkih katolika. Svojim pionirskim pothvatom, tiskanjem prve knjige na narodnom jeziku iz Bosne i Hercegovine, udario je temelje književnosti na ovim prostorima. Divković je, kako smo vidjeli, pišući svoja djela koristio različite knjiške predloške. Međutim, u svemu tome ima nešto što njegova djela čini posebnim, a ne samo prenesenim iz „dijačkog jezika“ ili preuzetim iz dubrovačke ili glagoljske književnosti. Usporedbe s izvornikom pokazuju da je Divković prevodio i prerađivao na njemu svojstven – kreativan način. On je prevođenju teksta pristupao slobodnije, negdje je ponešto izostavljao što je smatrao da je njegovim čitateljima i slušateljima od manje važnosti, a negdje je dodavao kako bi sadržaj učinio jasnijim i pristupačnijim. Stoga se s pravom može reći da je Divkovićev prevodilački „postupak posve stvaralački“ (Ivanka Petrović, 1982). U tom trajnom prilagođavanju vodio se potrebama svoga puka. Kroz prilagodbu on je prevedene tekstove htio učiniti pristupačnim i u narodu djelotvornim. Znao je da njegova publika, s obzirom na geografiju, kulturu, izobrazbu, običaje, društvene i političke okolnosti, nije u jednakoj poziciji s čitateljstvom i slušateljstvom u zapadnim kršćanskim zemljama. Pismenost ovdašnjih katolika bila je vrlo malena. Nije bilo organiziranog školstva. Divković je, međutim, bio uvjeren da se u narodu i u takvim okolnostima može djelovati pisanom riječi. Samo s tim uvjerenjem mogao je stvarati svoja djela i potom putovati u Veneciju da bi s tiskarom izlijevao i slagao slova za tisak. Divković ide, kako kaže pjesnik Nikola Milićević (1922-1999), u Mletke „po kiši i nevremenu“ da za svoj „nepismen i ubog narod“ tiska ono što je u tišini ispisao, jer „vjeruje u moć svojih knjiga“! Ta je Divkovićeva iskrena vjera urodila plodovima s dalekosežnim utjecajem na duhovnost, prosvjetu i kulturu bosanskohercegovačkih katolika! I ne samo njih!


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MATIJA DIVKOVIĆ IN THE GUTTENBERG GALAXY



On the occasion of the 400th anniversary of the first printed book from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the national language and its republication

Marko Karamatić


The 400th anniversary of the first printed book in the national language of an author who originated from Bosnia and Herzegovina, is undoubtedly a very important event for the cultural history of this country. Father Matija Divković started an epoch of printed books in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by publishing Nauk krstjanski and Sto čudesa (two works in one book) in ''bosančica'' script in 1611. This happened a century and a half after the printing press had been invented. This fact shows that Divković realized, how exceptionally important books were for the Franciscans and Catholics of Bosna Srebrena under the Ottoman authority. The book was published again, (on the occasion of the 400th anniversary of its initial publication), specifically in two volumes: in reprint (phototype) and in the Latin transcription with two introductory studies, in edition of the Cultural-historical institute of Bosna Srebrena, Sarajevo 2013.The edition was produced and transcribed by Darija Gabrić-Bagarić, Marijana Horvat, Dolores Grmača and Maja Banožić.

DISCOVERY OF PRINTING AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE

More than five and a half hundred years have passed, since the epochal discovery of printing, with movable cast types, by Johann Guttenberg (around 1397-1468) in Mainz, Germany, in the mid-15th century - which is, according to some, the most important landmark of the 2nd millenium - and the printing of the first Bible in 42 lines (1455) which is aesthetically the most dazzling edition of the early printing. That landmark changed the world fundamentally. Only 50 years after the invention of the printing press, there were 8 million book copies already printed in Europe. All these books – printed until the year of 1500, bear the name of incunabula. It is estimated that around 450 000 of them are preserved (35 000 editions), printed in more than 1100 printing houses. Today, the incunabula are the most precious and best guarded treasure of world's libraries.

In the year of Guttenberg's death (1468), a goal was set so that the entire knowledge of antiquity should be preserved in the printing form. That was achieved until 1530. The best minds of that era felt deeply the significance of printing for the entire mankind. The initiator of the protestant Reformation Martin Luther (1483-1546) saw a discovery of providence in it, and considered it ''the last and greatest of gifts from God“. His German translation of the Bible was sold in 1 million copies during his lifetime. Francis Bacon, an English statesman and philosopher, wrote in 1620 that ''printing gave things a new face everywhere in the world''. In truth, one can barely grasp what shift the printing press invention brought about, by giving access to the book and knowledge for the masses of people, and what impact printing had on the further development of Europe and the entire world. The book civilization started with the appearance of it, that is the Guttenberg galaxy, as Marshall McLuhan (1911-1980), a Canadian scientist, philosopher and communication theoretician called it in 1962. He considered by this notion a world significantly marked by the book as an essential medium: ''Printing aspired to convert language from a perception medium into a transferable message. It is not just a technology, but is a natural treasure or raw material in its own right, like cotton, wood or radio: and like every raw material, it does not only give shape to sensory proportions of an individual, but also to forms of common interdependence.'' This is how the civilization of the printed book started in the European West.

ECHOES OF THE PRINTING PRESS INVENTION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Bosnia and Hum (Herzegovina) came under the Ottoman authority in the second half of the 15th century. An atmosphere of constant hostility was established between the Christian West and the Ottoman Empire, caused by conquering aspirations of the Ottomans. Both technical and other inventions from the West, like printing press, could not break barriers in the Islamic world. As early as the 15th century, Islamic lawyers started to fight against the introduction of the printing press, because they thought that, except for the Koran, there is no need for other books. The printing press began to be used after more than 3 centuries of delay. That's how a paradox came about, that the Koran was printed for the first time in the Christian West, in Venice in 1537, while in the Islamic world, it was printed in Tehran as late as 1828, not in movable types, but in the litography technique.

More than 300 years had to pass, in order to adopt the printing press as a civilization achievement. In truth, one Hungarian, an Ottoman prisoner, founded a printing press for Muslims with the permission of Sultan Ahmed III in Constantinople in 1727. It was limited to grammatical and technical textbooks, since no religious matter could be printed in it. The fact that it was closed after 20 years of operation in 1747, after 17 printed books, should come as no surprise. This kind of understanding of modern historical course of events with numerous inventions that were of civilizational importance, was prevalent as well in the frontier Ottoman provinces, present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina, where only in 1866, the first printing press was founded in Sarajevo. The first one who got carried away with the idea of founding a printing press in Bosnia and Herzegovina two decades earlier, was Ivan Franjo Jukić, a Franciscan, but did not succeed in his plans! Despite all these setbacks, Bosnia and Herzegovina was not completely omitted from the scope of the Guttenberg galaxy, in the early phases of the Ottoman authority.

Mainly thanks to the Franciscans. The first importers and users of printed books in Bosnia and Herzegovina, according to the earliest preserved books - the incunabula - were no less but the Franciscans of Bosna Srebrena. 55 editions (59 copies) of the incunabula are preserved in Bosnia and Herzegovina, among which 46 in Franciscan monasteries: 31 in Kraljeva Sutjeska, 13 in Fojnica, one in Kreševo and one in Visoko, while the National and University Library in Sarajevo is in possession of 4 incunabula, and The Zemaljski Museum of 2 copies. The oldest one is in Kraljeva Sutjeska dating from 1474. We could be certain to claim that the Franciscans were in possession of many more incunabula, but they disappeared, either in times of persecution and demolition of the monasteries in Srebrenica, Olovo, Gradovrh, Tuzla, Visoko, Rama...., or during fires in the old monasteries in Sutjeska (1658), Fojnica (1664) and Kreševo (1765), when the entire treasures with valuable library holdings burned down. If we take into account the fact that today, the three old Bosnian Franciscan monasteries, apart from incunabula, guard a respectable number of books from the 16th and the 17th centuries, then we can certainly conclude that, it was the Franciscans who first entered the sphere of the Guttenberg galaxy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as users of printed books.

Since there were no printing presses in Bosnia, all the roads led across the sea to Italy. They were marked by the Franciscans of Bosna Srebrena, and the first one was Matija Divković. Soon was he followed by a group of another Franciscan writers from the lands under the Ottoman authority. The Franciscans were adapting to new conditions under the authority of powerful conqueror after the Ottoman occupation in 1463. The Ottomans tolerated Christians from pragmatical reasons, but treated them as second-class citizens. With the Ottoman expansion towards the north and the west, the frontiers of the Franciscan province called Bosna Srebrena also spread. During the 16th and 17th centuries, in the era of Matija Divković, the Franciscans were pastorally active on the vast territory under the Ottoman occupation, where, apart from Bosnia and Herzegovina, were also included: Dalmatia, Lika, Slavonia, Hungary up to Budim, and in the east, Transylvania and Bulgaria. Franciscans were being educated in the West at that time, where they were exposed to new ideas, where they acquired books, art paintings, sculptures, liturgical objects, which they brought to the Bosnian monasteries, enabling by this a certain flow of the Western culture. Today, the libraries and treasuries of three old monasteries in Fojnica, Kraljeva Sutjesca and Kreševo bear witness to the matter.

LIFE AND WORK OF MATIJA DIVKOVIC

The first book printed in the national language in Bosnia and Herzegovina is connected with the ''God-loving theologian'' Matija Divković. He is the founder of the literary word in Bosnia and Herzegovina, ''the founder of both Bosnian Franciscan, and in the modern sense of the word, the entire literature in Bosnia and Herzegovina'' (Midhat Begić), the writer who gave ''the firsts of the Bosnian literature'' (Krešimir Georgijević). Truth to be said, one other Franciscan, a Bosnian from Srebrenica, Juraj Dragišić (around 1445-1520), who had been a renowned humanist, philosopher and theologian that ran before the Turks, lived and worked in Italy, actually had published much earlier several works, but in Latin.

There are scarcely any data on the life of Matija Divković. After he was briefly mentioned as a writer by Filip Lastrić (1700-1783) in his work Epitome vetustatum Bosnensis provinciae (1776), he was more extensively treated by Ivan Frano Jukić in the first volume of Bosanski prijatelj (1850), in which he presented his works along with some biographical data. Paradoxically, Divković's works gained huge popularity, while there are barely news about his life. It is only possible to give a general outline of his life on the basis of short notes in his books, where he gives some information about himself. He was born in Jelaške, between Olovo and Vareš in 1563, and died in the monastery in Olovo on the 21st August 1631, as stated in the necrology of Sutjeska. The year of his birth was calculated on the basis of his note on the initial page of his book Sto čudesa (''A hundred miracles''), where he says that he was from Jelaške and ''since he was in his 46th year'' („budući od četrdeset i šest godišta“), he began to write ''in the year of 1609'' ( „na iljadu i šesat i deveto godište“) – which means he was 46 years old in 1609. He received his elementary education probably in the Olovo monastery, while he finished his philosophy and theology studies in Italy.

Because his works were published at the beginning of the 17th century, we usually think of him as a Franciscan from that period. But, we must not disregard the fact that Divković lived nearly for four decades in the 16th century, when he received his formal education, and in fact, formed himself as a writer, although there are no data from this period of his life. It is known that he served as a curate in Sarajevo, and that he finished his work Nauk krstjanski za narod slovinski (so-called greater Nauk) there (translation of the work would be ''Christian teaching for the Slavic people''). The work contained 308 book sheets. We know this from a note in the book: '' Izpisa budući kapelanom u Sarajevu na iljadu i šesat i deveto godište po porođenju Isukrstovu“ (''was written, while being a curate in Sarajevo in 1609 A.D.). Then he began to write Sto čudesa aliti zlamenja blažene i slavne Bogorodice divice Marije, (''a hundred miracles or signs of the blessed and glorious Mother of God Virgin Mary''). He published both works, bound together, in Venice in 1611. The Nauk has 324 sheets, while Sto čudesa 71 sheets. Judging by dedications written on the books' frontpages, respected Sarajevo citizens, to whom he dedicated his books, probably aided him in printing costs. So he dedicated his greater Nauk to the noble and great gentleman mister Antun Grgurević, a Bosnian from Sarajevo, and to Pavo, his son (''plemenitomu i visokomu g/ospodi/nu, g/ospodi/nu Antunu Grgureviću, Bošnjaninu iz Sarajeva, i Pavi sinu njegov''), and Sto čudesa to mister Ivan Nikole Matiaševića, a Bosnian from Sarajevo...''…g/ospodi/nu Ivanu Nikole Matiaševića, Bošnjaninu iz Sarajeva…'').

He began to write his preaching work Razlike besjede Divkovića svrhu evanđelja nedjeljinijeh priko svega godišta (Besjede for short) in Kreševo in 1612, and he finished it in Olovo in 1614. In the year of 1616, he published Nauk krstjanski s mnoziemi stvari duhovnijemi i vele bogoljubnijemi (the so-called lesser Nauk, called so because of its smaller size, although it is more extensive than the greater Nauk), as well as his work Besjede. Both his works, the greater and lesser Nauk, are catechetical in their content, conceived as an instructive lesson, which would be useful both to the common people and soul curators. In the greater Nauk (1611), Divković considers at great length, firstly ''what a man is to do, in order to be called a real Christian, both in his actions and his name'' (''ima čovjek činiti da se može zvati pravi krstjanin imenom i djelo'') and how ''we should imitate Christ'' (''imamo nasliedovati Isukrsta“), and afterwards considers prayers (the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, Hail Mary), sacraments, God's and ecclesiastical commandments... In the work's subtitle, he points out that there are in the Nauk ''many beautiful and useful things for every Christian, who is willing to get to know real faith and the law of Jesus'' (''mnoge stvari lijepe i korisne svakom krstjaninu koji hoće poznati pravu vjeru i zakon Isukrsto'').

The lesser Nauk, apart from having all the characteristics of a catechism, brings texts which are beyond the scope of the typical catechism content. There is a collection of various literary texts in it, for example: Verši Abramovi, Plač blažene divice Marije, Verši prilike Isukrstove, Prigovaranje meju križem i Gospom divicom Marijom, poems, numerous prayers, the Litany...Therefore, we may well say that this Divković's work is ''an encyclopaedia of spiritual lessons in prose and verse'' (A. S. Kovačić, 1991). A great number of editions during more than 120 years, bear witness to its enormous popularity – at least 25 from the first to the last known edition from 1738. Some parts were printed separately: Život svete Katarine (1709), Plač blažene divice Marije (1786), but some others as well.

Both for the lesser and the greater Nauk krstjanski, ''which were written, brought and traslated from Latin to the Slavic language'' (''iz diačkog [latinskog] jezika ispisa, privede i složi u jezik slovinsk''), Divković translated , compiled or modified various catechisms, first of all, the catechisms of Spanish jesuit Jacob Ledesma (1516-1575) Dottrina cristiana breve per insegnare in pochi giorni (1571), and Italian jesuit Roberto Bellarmino (1542-1621) Dichiarazione più copiosa della dottrina cristiana (1598). All the sources for the greater Nauk are not clarified, in fact, Divković does not mention them at all. He probably used more catechisms, among which is, judging by the disposition of the text in the second part, the catechism of Ledesma as well. He expressly specifies sources for the lesser Nauk on the initial book page, when he says that ''he pressed and arranged it into one from both Ledesma's and Bellarmino's Doctrines'' (''od Ledezmova i Belarminova Nauka u jedno stisnu i složi''). It is possible that he used a Croatian translation of Ledesma's catechism for his lesser Nauk, which was printed as a Latin-script anonymous edition in Venice in 1578.

Except for the Verši svete Katarine, all other inserted literary texts were taken from the Croatian literary heritage of Dalmatia and Dubrovnik. Divković edited them and somewhat changed them lexically and in verse, bearing in mind his readers. The Verši Abramovi emerged from the rewriting of a drama called Posvetilište Abramovo of Dubrovnik-based writer Mavro Vetranović (1482-1576), which was rewritten and adjusted to his common-people congregation. Just like later Franciscan writers, he transfered through his work, the literary heritage and language expression from Dubrovnik to the territory of Bosna Srebrena, from the Adriatic sea to the river Drava. With this, he gave an initial impulse to the standardization of the Franciscan literature, about which Franciscan writers made a lot of effort later.

Divković took Sto čudesa entirely from the book Sermones discipuli de tempore et de sanctis cum Promptuario exemplorum et de miraculis B. M. Virginis (1584) by German Dominican Johannes Herolt (+1468), whom we know first and foremost as a homiletic writer. Printed copies of Herolt's work were scattered in Dalmatian monasteries, which points to the fact that Franciscan preachers used them in the original Latin language. It was called Discipulus for short (Divković says: Dišipuo). Herolt's work was a source to Croatian Glagolitic Disipuli from the 16th century, so it is difficult to discern when Divković directly used Herolt, and when he took stories of Mary's miracles from the Croatian Glagolitic literature.

The fourth Divković's work Besjede (Speeches) is, according to its content, homiletic, intended for Sunday preachers and their listeners. In total, there are 66 sermons in it. He began to write it in Kreševo in 1612, finished it in Olovo in 1614, printed it in Venice in 1616. It is the most extensive author's work, mostly based on the works' foundations of the aforementioned Herolt, Sermones discipuli de tempore et de sanctis, then, of French Dominican Pepin, Sermones dominicales totius anni, and some other authors (Busti, Ferreri, Heisterbach). Divković also used, while writing, religious Glagolitic and Dubrovnik literature. While Sto čudesa contain very many simple stories and examples, there are less of them in Besjede, considering homiletic specific quality of that writing genre. The author explains in Besjede a fragment from the Sunday Gospel, beginning with a short quotation from the read fragment, and then he specifies thoughts of the Church fathers and Doctors of the Church, as well as writers of theology and philosophy. By this, he confronted his listeners with a more demanding task, especially if we bear in mind that his sermons were extensive as well. Listening and understanding were made easier by examples (prilike) in the sermons, but these sermons were somewhat rare.

In literature, Divković is often placed in the context of the Counter-Reformation and the Catholic Revival, so he was designated as a Counter-Reformation writer. It is a fact that Luther's Reformation (the first half of the 16th century) and Protestantism in general, did not have much of response on the territory of Bosna Srebrena, so Divković had no reason to implant such intentions in his work in any way, since his goals were completely different: the education of the Catholic common people and aiding Franciscans in their pastoral work. The Council of Trent (today Trento in Italy, 1545-1563), as an answer of the Catholic Church to the Protestant Reformation, ended in the same year Divković was born, in 1563.Therefore, he did live and work in the post-tridentine and post-Reformation period of the Catholic Church, called in the historiography, the Counter-Reformation and the Catholic Revival, which mainly refers to the 17th century. However, Divković was present in all of this, only in terms of time. Topics he discusses are in good part medieval in their spirit and content, as were his sources for that matter; but with one pronounced goal: to explain and bring closer to the Catholics the doctrine they should live by in their everyday lives. Everything was subject to that. Script and language

Divković published his works in ''bosančica'' or ''bosanica'' script (the western Cyrillic script). Because of that, and after he finished the manuscript for the greater Nauk and Sto čudesa, he personally went to Venice, in order to survey casting of the bosančica types in the printing-house, and to control all the work at printing in general. This had great importance, because, according to Divković, printers did not know a single word of his language. They were getting along hard at casting the types, because they could not discern them easily. It was a difficult task both for Venetian printer Pietro Bertano and for Divković himself. Divković writes in the dedication of the greater Nauk, since there were no bosančica types, '' I did with my hands everything from the start and all the types from the very foundations'' (''ja mojiemi rukami učinih svekoliko iznova i iz temelja svakolika slova''). Although ''bosančica'' developed independently during time, Divković still played a crucial role in the matter: he proved himself to be ''an independent and original reformer of the western Cyrillic script'' (Dalibor Brozović, 1982). Not only did he, with his graphic procedures, anticipate ''subsequent solutions, but he later positively influenced the Croatian Latin script, only reversely: the neutralization of Hungarian and Italian rolemodels, in a relatively integrated Croatian Latin script, outside the kajkavian area, was actually done in the Franciscan written practice and editions'' (Dalibor Brozović). By this, he a is a forerunner of the succeeding language reformers of the 19th century. He opted for ''bosančica'' or the western Cyrillic script, because it had already a long tradition in Bosnia. Franciscans were using it in the monasteries, it was known to the ordinary common-people, merchants and craftsmen communicated in it etc. Since ''bosančica'' was not only widespread on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but on the Dalmatian coast and in Dubrovnik as well, Divković's decision to use this script was understandable, because a book written in that script attracted a wider reading audience from the common-people masses, and this was certainly his first intention. A number of Franciscan writers who came after Divković in the course of the 17th century, also wrote in ''bosančica'' (Papić, Posilović, Margitić).

Divković's language is basically a štokavian jekavian dialect, which was used by the inhabitants of central Bosnia, on the territories of Olovo, Sutjeska and Kreševo, tinged with the ikavian speech, but he expanded it with a language expression, he discovered by reading Croatian medieval Glagolitic literature and the literature from Dubrovnik. He called it naški, bosanski, slovinski (our language, Bosnian, Slavic), the name other Franciscan writers used as well, with additional names as follows: slavobosanski, ilirski / ilirički, hrvatski, dumanski (Slavic-Bosnian, Illyrian, Croatian). Divković's ''literary language is the pure vernacular'', in which he integrates literary and language traditions of Slavonia, Dalmatia and Dubrovnik'' (Ivan Lovrenović, 1982). As it seems, a certain role in echoing the literature of Dubrovnik in Divković's work (both in terms of content and language), had a colony of merchants from Dubrovnik, that settled in Sarajevo in the Latin/Frankish quarter (Latinluk), on the territory from the present-day Latin bridge to the Ćumurija bridge on the right bank of the Miljacka, where Divković spent some time as a curate and had contacts with them. Among other things, books of the writers from Dubrovnik in the monastery libraries bear witness to the fact that there was a close relation of Divković and the other Bosnian Franciscans with the literature of Dubrovnik. The fact that, in the time of Divković, Bosna Srebrena covered the vast area - including Dalmatia, Lika, Slavonia - his work had a great impact (apart from the primary goal - religious education of the Catholic common people), on forming Croatian language standard, because it was read on the whole of the territory. First of all, he influenced the Franciscan writers with his language (so they were paving the way together for the language standardization on the štokavian basis), but the writers outside Bosnia and Herzegovina as well, so ''characteristics of one literary language that arose on the Bosnian soil, were transfered to the wide Croatian area and directly influenced the processes of the literary language formation on the štokavian basis'' (Darija Gabrić-Bagarić, 2000). Right because of its wide popularity, and according to literature and language historians, the older Franciscan literature played a decisive ''role in the formation of the general Croatian expression'', (Rafo Bogišić, 1994), that is, was exceptionally ''important for the history of the Croatian language'' (Ivo Pranjković, 2000). Moreover, the Franciscans of Bosna Srebrena while opting for the Latin script, ''determined not only the choice of the Croatian literary standard, but its writing norm as well'' (Ivo Banac, 1991). Although the Franciscan literature was neither urban like the one from Dubrovnik was, nor had its high aesthetical level, it exerted an exceptionally strong influence, both spiritual, and in terms of culture and language, and this is what makes its great significance.

RECEPTION OF DIVKOVIC

Divković's lesser Nauk, as a reading, undoubtedly took hold in the masses. Its numerous editions bear witness to this fact. Anyway, this kind of reading popularity is picturesquely confirmed by one interesting event, recorded by Italian travel writer and scientist Alberto Fortis (1741-1803) in his book Viaggio in Dalmazia from 1774 (Croatian translation: Put po Dalmaciji, Zagreb, 1984). He travelled across Dalmatian lands, met locals and talked with them about everything which concerned their way of living. He recorded many details from these conversations. Namely, Fortis describes inhabitants of the Dalmatian hinterland, whom he calls Morlacchi, and for whom he says that are bright in mind and having some natural enterprising spirit'' (''bistra uma i nekog prirodno poduzetna duha''), that they make wonderful careers as merchants, and that ''they easily learn to read, write and calculate'' (''lako nauče čitati i pisati i računati''). In that context, he specifies an event, where father Matija Divković is mentioned: ''Rumour has it that at the beginning of this century, Morlacchi shepherds were reading at great length a thick book on the Christian, moral and historic teaching, which was compiled by certain father Divković, and it was printed several times in Venice, in their Cyrillic ''bosančica'' script, which partially differs from the Russian script. It often happened that a parish priest more pious than educated, preaching from the altar, defaced some event, or altered its content; on these occasions, a voice often rose from someone present in the audience to say: That's not the way it is.''

After numerous editions in the 17th and 18th centuries, a stagnation followed, more than two centuries before Divković's texts started being published again. Therefore, his selected texts were included in the edition Five centuries of the Croatian literature (1972), then in Bosnian and Herzegovinian literary chrestomaties (1974), in selections of the Franciscan literature (1982, 1994), as well as in the newest edition of the Croatian literature in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 100 books (2005), while a broader selection of Divković's texts was also published (2000). We must add a phototype edition of Nauk krstjanski (''Christian doctrine''), printed on the occasion of the second visit of pope John Paul II to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2003.

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From all that was said above, it is clear that Divković played a great religious and educational-cultural role in the history of Catholics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. By his pioneer enterprise, the printing of the first book in the national language of Bosnia and Herzegovina, he laid literature foundations in these lands. As we saw, Divković used various book patterns, when writing his works. However, there is something in all of this, which makes his works special, not just transfered from Latin (''dijački jezik''), or taken from Dubrovnik or Glagolitic literature. Comparisons with the original show that Divković translated and rewrote in his specific creative manner. He approached translating a text in a more loose way; he omitted something somewhere, which he considered that is of less importance to his readers and listeners, and somewhere he added things in order to make the content more clear and accessible. Therefore, we may well say that Divković's ''translating method is entirely creative'' (Ivanka Petrović, 1982). In this continuous adapting process, his guidelines were needs of his people. He wanted to make translated texts more accessible and efficient with the people through adapting. He knew that his audience, considering geography, culture, education, customs, social and political circumstances, is not in the same position as readers and listeners in the Western Christian countries. The literacy rate in local Catholics was very low. There was no organized school system. However, Divković was convinced that one can act with written word on the people, even in those circumstances. Only with these convictions could he create his works and later travel to Venice, in order to cast and arrange printing types with printers. Divković goes, as poet Nikola Milićević (1922-1999) says , to Venice ''in rainy weather and storms'', in order to print what he wrote in silence for his ''illiterate and poor people'', because he believes in power of his books''. That Divković's sincere faith bore fruit with far-reaching influence on spirituality, education and culture of Bosnian and Herzegovinian Catholics! And not only them!